Educational Institutions Attended (with Date)
Urhuoka Primary School, Abraka 1976 - 1981
Urhuoka Secondary School, Abraka 1982 - 1988
Delta State University, Abraka 1992 – 1996
University of Benin, Benin City 2000 – 2002
Delta State University, Abraka Ph.D student (in progress)
Employment: Delta State University, Abraka
Department: Political Science
Date of Employment 6th August, 1998
Status at First Appointment: Graduate Assistant
Present Status: Lecturer I
Present Salary: UASS 4/2
Area of Specialization: Comparative Politics and Development Studies.
1 Year as Literature in English and Government Master (part-time) with
HENMOS Secondary School, Abraka, 1996 – 1997
1 Year as Literature in English and Government Master with Government Girls’ Secondary School, Giwa Kaduna State (During NYSC Programme) 1997 - 1998
i) Graduate Assistant 1998-2002
ii) Assistant Lecturer 2002-2005
iii) Lecturer II 2005 – Date
iv) Lecturer I 2008-Date Egbadju, Obukohwo Abraham (2009), “Between the politics of oil exploration and exploitation, oil producing communities’ reactions and security contradictions in the Niger Delta” in Victor Ojakorotu (ed.) Contending issues in the Niger Delta crisis of Nigeria, Monash, South Africa: JAPSS Press, Inc. pp 276-297.
LIST OF ABSTRACTS (2005 - 2009)
Egbadju Obukohwo Abraham
Department of Political Science
Delta State University, Abraka
Delta State, Nigeria
GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: THE PLACE OF NIGERIAN WOMEN
EGBADJU Obukohwo Abraham
in H.I Jimoh (ed.) International Journal of Ecology and Environmental Dynamics, Vol. 3 no. 5, Illorin, Nigeria, 2005.
There is a growing recognition that women have been underserved, under-represented or marginalized in the political process of countries. This paper is set out to examine the correlation between women participation in the political process and good governance of the state. It is the assumption of the paper that in the context of good governance therefore, equality of participation for all, irrespective of gender is the defining factor. Against this background, the paper attempts to evaluate the level of participation of women in Nigeria in the governing process so as to understand and explain how their participation has helped to improve, diminish or alter the texture and prospects of good governance in Nigeria overtime. It is the finding of the paper that the extent of involvement of women in Nigeria in the governance of the country is a direct function of the country’s political belief and value systems. The cold war periods tend to polarize, and indeed, polarized the world into two distinct ideological camps: Western capitalist ideological camp (bloc) and the Eastern communist ideological camp (bloc). The rest of the world, especially the Third world, most of which gain political independence in the 1960s chose as it were, to tread softly by choosing to remain not openly and strongly militarily aligned to either of the two ideological blocs. Since the 21st century, the relevance of the non-alignment as being orchestrated by countries of the world seems to have diminished, diminishing or completely evaporated as a consequence of the shrinking of the world into a global village, defined in the generic term, “globalization”. This global trend appears to demean the idea of Non-Aligned Movement and thus making the Non-Aligned idea to loose its original passion. It is against this backdrop that this paper sets out to revisit the idea and notion of Non-Alignment in the face of the growing global current that has appeared to have gulped the entire world into a common world or village irresistibly; as there is the increasing breakdown of barriers to the worldwide diffusion of socio-economic ideas, technology, doctrine, products, services and practices. This paper informs that the original passion of Non-Aligned Movement has been vitiated; and to that extent no longer relevant in the 21st century. The paper recommends fashioning out of new patterns of global alliance capable of checkmating the excesses and possibility of the world drifting into one-camp banditry and overbearing hegemony of the U.S.A and its subaltern NATO allies. This paper sets out to examine the politics of oil exploration and exploitation as a harbinger to patterns of reactions of the host oil communities in the Niger Delta region on the one hand. On the other hand the paper seeks to identify and explain the element of security contradiction as applied in handling the crisis arising from the relationship between the host oil communities and the oil multinationals operating in the region. The paper relies largely on secondary sources of data and employs the qualitative content analysis method. Analysis in this paper is based on a review of existing literature. A careful analysis of segments of argumentations in the literature is however, linked with personal experience of the emerging trends in the area of study so as to capture the realities on ground and to order a balanced argument. It is found out in this study that it is the nature of politics of oil exploration and exploitation that determines and defines the character and dynamics of the reactions of the host oil communities and thus, the production of unending crisis in Niger Delta region. The paper recommends a sharp review of the existing Nigerian laws relating to land use as well as to make provisions in the constitution to recognize the host oil communities as an important third-partner in the rail in the oil-business in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria..