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Quare huc trahat illum non trahat noli iudicare si non vis errare”

528 See Chapter 4 above.

529 Ibid., 2:844.

530 Ibid., 2: 743. From Augustine, On Free Choice of the Will, trans. Thomas Williams (Indianapolis: Hackett, 1993) 20.

531 Bloch, “Gassendi and the Transition from the Middle Ages to the Classical Era,” Yale Studies 49 (1973), 50-55.

532 Sarasohn, Gassendi’s Ethics, 142-167.

533 Bloch, La Philosophie De Gassendi, 285-287.

534 Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, ANF Vol. 2, 465.

535 Eric Christiannson and Terry McWilliams, “Voltaire’s Precis of Ecclesiates, A Case Study in the Bible’s After Life,” Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 29, no. 4 (2005): 455-484.

536 Paul Haupt,. “Ecclesiastes,” The American Journal of Philology 26, no. 2 (1905): 125-171.

537 Sarasohn, Gassendi’s Ethics, 168.

538 J. Bernard Cohen, Revolution in Science (Cambridge: Belknap, 1985), 63-68.

539 Gassendi, 4:66. “duplicem esse Codicem sacrum, quo Deus innotescere hominibus voluerit; alterum scriptum & qui Sacrorum Bibliorum venit nomine; alterum apertam hanc faciem, siue maiestatem, ac Naturam rerum. Et cum priori interpretando destinari sint viri Theologi supernatali scientia eruditi; ad posteriorem interpretandum comparatos esse Mathematicos, qui naturali scientia instructi haberi.”

540 Ibid., 4:66.

541 Ibid., 4:66. “…speciatem Beatos Hieronymum, & Augustinum passim declarare hae disciplinae necessariae sint ad Scripturae Sacrae interpretationem.”

542 When Gassendi and many of his contemporaries refer to mathematics, they are referring to astronomical observations, not mathematical formulas (such as f = ma) to describe how nature works. Gassendi was an expert as the former, but rejected the latter as the best way to describe nature.

543 Gassendi, 4:73. “An non proinde spes magna sit, ut quemadmodum Salomon aedificauit Templum in monte, un quo victimae Pacis offerrentur; sic ipse praeter caetera suae monumenta, Delubrum hoc, in hocce monte instauret ac perficiat, in quo ornameta Pacis excolantur. Ornamenta, inquam, hos est bonae Artes ipsaque imprimis Mathesis.”

544 Gassendi died on October 24, 1655 in Montmor’s Parisian home, where Montmor had cared for him during his final illness.

545 Samuel Sorbriere, “Letter to Thomas Hobbes, 1 February 1658,” Available at Accessed 23 January 2007.

546 Bloch, 493.

547 Cohen, Revolution in Science, 473.

548 Historians of science debate whether Newton was the culmination of the scientific revolution (so Westfall) or whether in fact there really was no scientific revolution in the seventeenth century (so Dobbs). I believe the evidence weighs heavily in favor of Westfall. However, a discussion of both sides is found in Rethinking the Scientific Revolution, ed. Margaret Osler (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).

549 Isaac Newton “Letter to Robert Hooke,” 5 Feb. 1676.

550 Leibniz also invented calculus in the same period, and the priority of who was first was a point of contention between Newton and Leibniz at the time, and has remained so among their respective partisans ever since.

551 Richard Kroll, The Material Word: Literate Culture in the Restoration and Early Eighteenth Century (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), 160-165.

552 Quoted in Fred Michael and Emily Michael, “The Theory of Ideas in Gassendi and Locke,” Journal of the History of Ideas, 51:3 (Jul – Sep 1990): 380.

553 J. J. MacIntosh, “Boyle on Epicurean atheism and atomism in Atoms,” in Atoms, Pneuma and Tranquility ed. Margaret Osler (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 197-219.

554 John Dahm, “Science and Apologetics in the Early Boyle Lectures,” Church History 39:2 (Jun 1970): 172-186.

555 At the same time, Huygens was developing a competing theory of light as a wave.

556 Isaac Newton, Opticks (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1952; first pub. 1704), 542.

557 Ibid., 543.

558 Lillian Pancheri, “Pierre Gassendi, a forgotten but important man in the history of physics,” American Journal of Physics, 46:5 (May 1978): 459; see also Edward Grant, Much Ado About Nothing, 241-242.

559 Richard Westfall, Never at Rest (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 303.

560 B. J. T. Dobbs, “Stoic and Epicurean doctrines in Newton,” in Atoms, Pneuma and Tranquility (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 234. See also Westfall, Never at Rest, 510-511.

561 Westfall, Never at Rest, 312.

562 Westfall, Never at Rest, 315-316.

563 For the importance of Lactantius in seventeenth century England see Kathleen Hartwell, Lactantius and Milton, (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1929).

564 Westfall, Never at Rest, 317.

565 Isaac Newton, Observations on the Prophecies of Daniel and St. John, ed. S. J. Barnett (Wales: Edwin Mellen, 1999), 232-236.

566 Ibid., 303.

567 Westfall, 323, for more discussion of Newton’s views on the Council of Constantinople and Theodosius.

568 Joy, Gassendi the Atomist, 218-219.

569 Ibid., 219.

570 Margreta de Grazia, “The Secularization of Language in the Seventeenth Century,” Journal of the History of Idea, 41, no.2 (Apr – Jun 1980): 321.

571 Ibid., 328.

572 John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, IV.111.30.

573 Lynn Joy, Gassendi the Atomist, is an exception to this.

574 Gottfried Leibniz, The New Essays, quoted in Lennon, Gods and Giants, 150.

575 David Fate Norton, “The Myth of British Empiricism,” History of European Ideas, 1 (1981) 336.

576 Richard Kroll, “The Question of Locke’s Relationship to Gassendi,” Journal of the History of Ideas 45:3 (Jul – Sep 1984): 339.

577 Fred Michael and Emily Michael, “The Theory of Ideas in Gassendi and Locke,” Journal of the History of Ideas, 51:3 (Jul – Sep 1990): 379-399; Sarasohn, Gassendi’s Ethics, 168-207; Lennon, Gods and Giants, 149-163.

578 Daniel Garber et al, “New Doctrines of Body and It’s Powers, Place and Space,” Cambridge History of Seventeenth Century Philosophy, 608.

579 Selman Halabi, “A Useful Anachronism: John Locke, the Corpuscular philosophy, and inference to the best explanation,” Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science, 36 (2005) 243.

580 John Locke, Essay Concerning Human Understanding, IV.xii.10, Great Books Vol. 35 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952), 361.

581 John Locke, Essay, IV.xx.3.

582 John Locke, Essay I.ii.3. Locke tries to rescue his position of no innate ideas a few sentences later by saying that pleasure and pain are not ideas but are appetites.

583 Ibid., Essay, I.ii.5.

584 Ibid., Essay, I.ii.2.

585 Of course, Lactantius had argued the same thing; that there is no wisdom in philosopher’s search for truth; only justice as the primary virtue.

586 Ibid., Essay, IV.xv.6.

587 Ibid., Essay, IV.xv.6.

588 In this I disagree somewhat with Sarasohn who finds more commonality in the natural law theories of Gassendi and Locke than I do. See Sarasohn, Gassendi’s Ethics, 196. Sarasohn also, in my opinion, overly emphasizes Gassendi’s few brief statements about property rights, compared to the prominent role that property rights play in Locke. On the other hand, Joy argues based on the lack of historical argument in Locke, that there was virtually no influence by Gassendi on Locke. See Lynn Joy, Gassendi the Atomist, 220-226.

589 Joy, Gassendi the Atomist, 198.

590 Mel Gorman, “Gassendi in America,” Isis 55:4 (1964): 412.

591 Interestingly, not only Jefferson, the founder of liberal Americanism, but Karl Marx founder of a rival political philosophy also had a deep interest in Epicureanism. Marx’s PhD thesis was on Democritus, Epicurus, atoms and political philosophy.

592 Jean Yarbrough, American Virtues: Thomas Jefferson on the Character of a Free People (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1998), 154.

593 Thomas Jefferson, “To William Short, with a Syllabus, 1819,” Thomas Jefferson Writings (New York: Library Classics of the United States), 1429.

594 Jefferson, ibid., 1431

595 Thomas Jefferson, “Letter to Charles Thompson, 1816,” 1373.

596 John Quincy Adams, Memoirs,I:472; quoted by Sarasohn, Gassendi’s Ethics, 207.

597 Charles Sanford, The Religious Life of Thomas Jefferson (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1984), 89.

598 Thomas Jefferson, “Letter to Dr. Joseph Priestly,” 1142.

599 Thomas Jefferson, “Letter to William Short,” 1430.

600 Thomas Jefferson, “A Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom,” 346.

601 Jefferson, “Letter to John Adams,” 1443.

602 Although calling upon Origen to witness against Platonic thought indicates that Jefferson’s understanding of patristics was not as deep as it should have been.

603 Sanford, The Religious Life of Thomas Jefferson, 165.

604 Jefferson, “Letter to John Adams,” 1432.

605 Jefferson, “Letter to William Short,” 1360.

606 Jean Yarbrough, American Virtues: Thomas Jefferson on the Character of a Free People, (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas) 194.

607 John Rist, Real Ethics: Rethinking the Foundations of Morality (Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press, 2001), 206.

608 Simone Mazauric, Gassendi, Pascal, et la Querelle Du Vide (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1998)

609 See for instance Jesuit Science and the Republic of Letters, edited by Mordechai Feingold.

610 Roger Ariew , “Ðescartes and the Jesuits: Doubt, Novelty and the Eucharist,” Jesuit Science and the Republic of Letters, ed. Mordechai Feingold (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2003), 157-194.

611 Bloch, Philosophie de Gassendi, 473-474.

612 For the most recent detailed discussion of the dates for Gassendi’s works, see Lolordo, 7-24.

613 Joy. Gassendi the Atomist, 29.

614 Ibid, 32. See also Popkin, Skepticism in 17th Century; and Rochot, Les Travaux de Gassendi, 7-10.

615 Bloch, 113.

616 Joy, 36-37.

617 Taussig, Vie et moers d’ Epicure, ix-x.

618 Joy, Gassendi the Atomist, 45.

619 Ibid., 47.

620 Rochot, Les Travaux de Gassendi, 45.

621 Gassendi, De Motu, 3: 400. Trans. Brush, The Selected Works of Pierre Gassendi, 119-120.

622 Gassendi, 3: 495-496; trans. Fisher, Pierre Gassendi’s Philosophy and Science, 274-275. As Koyre and more recently Fisher have observed, Gassendi’s theory of inertia leaves Gassendi with a problem. If everything in nature moves according to the laws of inertia, how then to account for the non-inertial motion of atoms. Gassendi does not address this in De Motu, but does in the Physics of the Syntagma. Gassendi’s solution is that God gives atoms their motion. But I think Koyre and Fisher are perhaps being overly harsh with Gassendi in their criticism. The inconsistency they point to is correct, but to expect Gassendi to be able to bridge that gap at the beginning of the scientific revolution is unrealistic. In fact, this gap between motion and properties of atoms and large bodies which obey the laws of inertia is seen in the later-seventeenth century work of Boyle and Newton. Indeed the gap between chemistry and physics would not be bridged until the early-twentieth century and the work of Rutherford, Bohr and others on the structure of the atom.

623 Brush, Selected Works of Pierre Gassendi, 153.

624 Lex Newman, “Descartes’ Epistemology,” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, available at accessed 1 December 2006.

625 Peter Miller,

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